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    and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

    CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

    The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, “the Government of Ethiopia,” once consi

    List Building for Experts - How to Increase Your Email Open Rate III
    On that note, I realize that if you are getting 100s of daily emails from subscribers, you get to the point you can no longer offer that personal service. At the time of this writing, I have about 6000 active subscribers who spend over $11,000 per month with me, and I find I can answer all my email in about ? an hour a day. As my list grows, and the time it takes me to answer emails personally goes up, I will inevitably be forced to go to a ticket system. But I encourage you to answer emails personally as long as you can reasonably do it.Another thing I like to do, especially if I send out an ‘I need your help’ email to my entire list, is to answer the emails in a group email. I find that many of the questions people ask will pertain to many others on my list, so I will simply reprint the questions, and answer several questions at one time, and send that email to my entire list.I think that this creates a feeling of community. Even those who have not asked me questions can feel as though they are involved in this conversation. They can feel included, and they will feel as though I have a responsive list – one that interacts with me – so why shouldn’t they?You have to do whatever it takes to improve your response rates – and you have to test and track to do that.
    When Dr. Meqdes testified before the House Subcommittee on Africa on March 29, 2006, she was thinking of her father, Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam. Professor Mesfin, a prominent Ethiopian human rights activist, has been incarcerated in Ethiopia since November of 2005. In thinking of her father and his situation, Dr. Meqdes also wondered why the United States is not doing more to help democracy in Ethiopia. As she stated in the hearing, "Honorable Members, for more than three decades, my personal and family life has been impacted by what my father has committed in his faith and belief that Government belongs to the people and that these fundamental freedoms that we all seek are a necessary element in allowing democracy to flourish in an environment where the rule of law is supreme.”

    Dr. Meqdes believes that the United States has not exerted enough pressure on the Ethiopian Government to release prisoners of conscience like her father. She and many others like her have been speaking out in support of democracy. Dr. Meqdes has been engaging actively to let the world know about her father's struggle for democracy. She spoke at several gatherings throughout the nation, wrote papers and led a hunger strike in opposition to the arrest of the political prisoners.

    On June 27, 2006, three months after Dr. Meqdes' testimony, a comprehensive bi-partisan bill, H.R. 5680, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006 sponsored by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ) and Rep. Donald Payne (D-NJ), unanimously passed the International Relations Committee and was forwarded to the full House. The bill is expected to bring freedom, democracy, human rights and economic development to Ethiopia. On its passage, Rep. Smith said, “Violence against dissidents has increased significantly and yet there have been no credible accounts for the slaughter of protestors in the streets of Addis last year.” He added, “We not only call on the Ethiopian Government to unconditionally release all political prisoners, but establish a program to tangibly assist them.”

    In his statement, Rep. Smith was referring to hundreds of political prisoners like Professor Mesfin. Professor Mesfin is a 76-year-old retired geography professor and founding member of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO). He is the winner of the 2006 Heinz R. Pagels Human Rights Award and among the 10 nominees for the European Parliament's 2006 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Prof Mesfin is currently one of the prisoners of conscience and a senior member of the main opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP). Along with many others, Professor Mesfin was imprisoned in November 2005 in connection with opposition demonstration against the Ethiopian Government. He is not alone at Kaliti Prison, where many of the political prisoners are jailed including Dr. Berhanu Negga, an economics professor and the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa; Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and vice chairperson of CUDP; and Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, a former UN prosecutor in the Rwanda genocide trial in Tanzania.

    During the years leading up to the election, Ethiopia was feted to be one of the African nations with emerging democratic systems. Under pressure from the United States and the European Union and in exchange for political and economic support, the 14-year-old Government of Ethiopia held a legislative election on May 15, 2005. This election was unparalleled in the country's history. Many vibrant opposition parties participated, media access was given to the opposition, and international observers were invited for the first time to witness the election. As a result, an astounding ninety percent of eligible voters cast their ballots. Despite some irregularities, the election was conducted peacefully and was commended by the international community. Many people hoped that democracy was finally emerging and bringing a lasting stability to Ethiopia - a prerequisite for social and economic development.

    But, the post election period turned out to be tragic. The opposition parties allege that the election was rigged and ballot boxes stolen. The Carter Center, one of the invited international observers, stated in its final report that the handling of the post election results was disappointing. European Union observers, in their final report, also concluded that the election did not meet the international standard. A critical dispute between the ruling party, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the opposition parties gradually escalated and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

    CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

    The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, “the Government of Ethiopia,” once consi

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    gatherings throughout the nation, wrote papers and led a hunger strike in opposition to the arrest of the political prisoners.

    On June 27, 2006, three months after Dr. Meqdes' testimony, a comprehensive bi-partisan bill, H.R. 5680, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006 sponsored by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ) and Rep. Donald Payne (D-NJ), unanimously passed the International Relations Committee and was forwarded to the full House. The bill is expected to bring freedom, democracy, human rights and economic development to Ethiopia. On its passage, Rep. Smith said, “Violence against dissidents has increased significantly and yet there have been no credible accounts for the slaughter of protestors in the streets of Addis last year.” He added, “We not only call on the Ethiopian Government to unconditionally release all political prisoners, but establish a program to tangibly assist them.”

    In his statement, Rep. Smith was referring to hundreds of political prisoners like Professor Mesfin. Professor Mesfin is a 76-year-old retired geography professor and founding member of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO). He is the winner of the 2006 Heinz R. Pagels Human Rights Award and among the 10 nominees for the European Parliament's 2006 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Prof Mesfin is currently one of the prisoners of conscience and a senior member of the main opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP). Along with many others, Professor Mesfin was imprisoned in November 2005 in connection with opposition demonstration against the Ethiopian Government. He is not alone at Kaliti Prison, where many of the political prisoners are jailed including Dr. Berhanu Negga, an economics professor and the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa; Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and vice chairperson of CUDP; and Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, a former UN prosecutor in the Rwanda genocide trial in Tanzania.

    During the years leading up to the election, Ethiopia was feted to be one of the African nations with emerging democratic systems. Under pressure from the United States and the European Union and in exchange for political and economic support, the 14-year-old Government of Ethiopia held a legislative election on May 15, 2005. This election was unparalleled in the country's history. Many vibrant opposition parties participated, media access was given to the opposition, and international observers were invited for the first time to witness the election. As a result, an astounding ninety percent of eligible voters cast their ballots. Despite some irregularities, the election was conducted peacefully and was commended by the international community. Many people hoped that democracy was finally emerging and bringing a lasting stability to Ethiopia - a prerequisite for social and economic development.

    But, the post election period turned out to be tragic. The opposition parties allege that the election was rigged and ballot boxes stolen. The Carter Center, one of the invited international observers, stated in its final report that the handling of the post election results was disappointing. European Union observers, in their final report, also concluded that the election did not meet the international standard. A critical dispute between the ruling party, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the opposition parties gradually escalated and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

    CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

    The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, “the Government of Ethiopia,” once consi

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    il (EHRCO). He is the winner of the 2006 Heinz R. Pagels Human Rights Award and among the 10 nominees for the European Parliament's 2006 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Prof Mesfin is currently one of the prisoners of conscience and a senior member of the main opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP). Along with many others, Professor Mesfin was imprisoned in November 2005 in connection with opposition demonstration against the Ethiopian Government. He is not alone at Kaliti Prison, where many of the political prisoners are jailed including Dr. Berhanu Negga, an economics professor and the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa; Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and vice chairperson of CUDP; and Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, a former UN prosecutor in the Rwanda genocide trial in Tanzania.

    During the years leading up to the election, Ethiopia was feted to be one of the African nations with emerging democratic systems. Under pressure from the United States and the European Union and in exchange for political and economic support, the 14-year-old Government of Ethiopia held a legislative election on May 15, 2005. This election was unparalleled in the country's history. Many vibrant opposition parties participated, media access was given to the opposition, and international observers were invited for the first time to witness the election. As a result, an astounding ninety percent of eligible voters cast their ballots. Despite some irregularities, the election was conducted peacefully and was commended by the international community. Many people hoped that democracy was finally emerging and bringing a lasting stability to Ethiopia - a prerequisite for social and economic development.

    But, the post election period turned out to be tragic. The opposition parties allege that the election was rigged and ballot boxes stolen. The Carter Center, one of the invited international observers, stated in its final report that the handling of the post election results was disappointing. European Union observers, in their final report, also concluded that the election did not meet the international standard. A critical dispute between the ruling party, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the opposition parties gradually escalated and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

    CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

    The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, “the Government of Ethiopia,” once consi

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    Many of us often refer to toner as dry ink. The truth is that toner has nothing to do with ink (a pigmented liquid) at all. Toner, in reality, is a powder that is plastic-based and negatively charged. The blackness of copier toner comes from pigments blended into the plastic particles while being manufactured.In a copier, the toner stored inside a cartridge is stuck on larger, positively charged beads. As toner-coated beads are made to roll over the drum, the toner particles are more attracted by the positively charged ions on the unexposed areas on the drum's surface than the weakly charged beads. Later, the same particles are attracted even more towards the electro-statically charged paper. The plastic in the toner lets the user keep it from jumping ship once he/she has finally got it on the paper. Now all that is needed is to apply heat to the toner. Once the temperature rises, the plastic particles melt and fuse the pigment to the paper.The fuser adds the finishing touches, to lend permanency to the toner image on a sheet of paper. It has to perform two jobs. First, it has to melt and press the toner image into the paper. Second, it has to stop the melted toner and/or the paper from sticking to the fuser.In order to perform these tasks, quartz tube lamps and Teflon-coate
    . This election was unparalleled in the country's history. Many vibrant opposition parties participated, media access was given to the opposition, and international observers were invited for the first time to witness the election. As a result, an astounding ninety percent of eligible voters cast their ballots. Despite some irregularities, the election was conducted peacefully and was commended by the international community. Many people hoped that democracy was finally emerging and bringing a lasting stability to Ethiopia - a prerequisite for social and economic development.

    But, the post election period turned out to be tragic. The opposition parties allege that the election was rigged and ballot boxes stolen. The Carter Center, one of the invited international observers, stated in its final report that the handling of the post election results was disappointing. European Union observers, in their final report, also concluded that the election did not meet the international standard. A critical dispute between the ruling party, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the opposition parties gradually escalated and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

    CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

    The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, “the Government of Ethiopia,” once consi

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    and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

    CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

    The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, “the Government of Ethiopia,” once considered a symbol of fledgling democracy, “has become authoritarian and even totalitarian”.

    A year after the May 2005 election, the crisis took a different turn. The ruling government appointed a new mayor and council members for the capital city administration. They replaced the elected representatives who are languishing in prison. Some elected legislative members of the opposition party, who were not arrested, were coerced to join the Parliament, in an attempt to split CUDP and give misleading image of the opposition's participation. CUDP formed an international leadership in exile. It also joined alliance with several opposition groups, some of whom have picked up arms against the regime.

    Dr. Meqdes thinks that the US Government has acted in an inconsistent manner in attempting to resolve the impasse. Although the U.S. called for peaceful solution to the crisis, it has not exerted enough pressure on the Ethiopian Government to meet the appeal it issued jointly with European Union. For many Ethiopians it seems that the US has put aside its democratic principles and seeks closer ties with the autocratic Government of Ethiopia. Dr. Meqdes believes promotion of democracy in Ethiopia has been limited and weakened by U.S. security interests in the Horn of Africa. The U.S. Administration has employed lenient policies on democracy promotion not to disappoint its Horn of Africa main ally in the war against terrorism - the main imperative of U.S. foreign policy post 9/11.

    Dr. Meqdes would like Ethiopia to remain an ally. But, she does not want to see the United States security interest in the horn of Africa trump its stated commitment in supporting liberty and democracy. President Bush has tied the promotion of democracy to U.S. national security interests and indicated that the U.S. would not pay for stability at the price of liberty and democracy. It is her wish to see the United States stand with the people of Ethiopia and support free press, an independent judiciary, a sound financial system, strong labor unions, as well as a vibrant opposition parties, things that Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice calls the “essential components of decent society”.

    It is Dr. Meqdes’ strong belief that lack of democracy in a country like Ethiopia breeds extremism and provokes radicalism. She hopes the U.S. Administration will reconsider its policies and get tough on the authoritarian Government of Ethiopia. Dr. Meqdes strongly believes that failure to act timely may lead to a growing support for the rise of radical elements and risk constant instability in a country that is vital to U.S. strategic interest in the region.

    Citing the lack of democracy as their main concern, more and more Ethiopians who worked with the Prime Minister Meles’ Government are fleeing. In the last few months alone, over sixty diplomats left the Government and defected in Europe and the United States. According to several media reports, in early September, a prominent prosecutor, who said the Ethiopian government forced him to pursue opposition leaders has also requested asylum in the United States. "I have been ordered by the Government to institute charges on CUDP leaders," said Alemayehu Zemedkun, referring to Ethiopia’s opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party. "I have tried to show them the legal impediments. There is not enough evidence ... but they insisted."

    Members of the Ethiopian military were not immune to defection. A high-ranking army General, Kemal Gelchu, defected to neighboring Eritrea, along with several ranking officers and over hundred soldiers. In an interview with the BBC news agency, the General said his hopes of peace had been dashed after last year's turmoil that followed disputed elections. He indicated that he would join the Oromo Liberation Front, OLF, a rebel group fighting for the right of the Oromo people, and fight with force in a language Meles’ regime understands. Few weeks after General Kemal's defection, two more senior army officers followed him in a series of defection.

    In few days, H.R. 5680 is expected to be brought to the House floor, unless the Ethiopian Government highly paid lobbyists successfully lobby for its delay. Dr. Meqdes calls all democracy-loving individuals to contact their elected representatives and urge them to support H.R. 5680. When H.R. 5680 becomes public law, she hopes it will contribute to the development of a political environment that will actively seek the institutionalization of human rights, the rule of law and democracy in Ethiopia. For now, Dr. Meqdes’ primary wish is to

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